Being a communist in Chile is not the same as in other places. Here, to give the clearest example, communism had internationally renowned adherents such as Pablo Neruda, Victor Jara, and Violeta Parra. While in almost the entire region the Communist Party (PC) is a marginal force subject to large coalitions, in Chile it has power, consolidated bases, and now, a candidate in the presidential runoff. This is Jeannette Jara, a member of the party's less orthodox wing who won the first round this Sunday with 26% of the votes, and will now face Jose Antonio Kast (24%) in the runoff on December 14. In June, Jara swept the left-wing primaries in what was a surprise to many, precisely because she is a communist. The former Minister of Labor in Gabriel Boric's government ran a campaign stripped of the old Marxist label: the red colors, The symbols of the hammer and sickle and the discourse of proletarian struggle were replaced by a cute kawaii aesthetic of pinks and blues and a promise to improve the basic living conditions of Chileans. Even his campaign, now a coalition of nine parties, strengthened its message on security, the biggest current concern of the people and part of the reason why Kast is the favorite. “Jara, and the other leading figures of this modern wing of the party, such as (current government spokesperson) Camila Vallejo and (congresswoman) Carol Cariola, represent a form of communism that accepts dialogue and other solutions in order to improve the people's situation,” Ximena Jara, a political analyst specializing in narratives, explains to BBC Mundo. “In Chile, the Communist Party is really just another party,” she adds. A party that never sought to overthrow democracy, nor supported insurgent movements, nor was it entirely subordinate to the Union. Soviet. A Chilean-style communism: institutional, orderly, and open to dialogue.

An incremental party

Like all the Communist Parties of the Southern Cone, The history of the Chilean Communist Party begins in the 1920s, when labor movements emerged amidst industrialization. In Chile at that time, the nitrate industry was booming,and many of its workers were among the first communists. Later, the movement gained strength in the coal, textile, and port workers' unions and received the support of major figures in popular culture, such as Neruda. In the 1960s, the Communist Party was a key component of the Popular Unity coalition that came to power in 1970 under the leadership of Salvador Allende. "It was the most organized party in the coalition," says analyst Cristobal Bellolio. "Unlike the Socialist Party, the Communist Party was disciplined, the one that didn't want to create tension in society, the most institutional." “During the Pinochet regime, the Communist Party went underground. Some 500 of its members were murdered or disappeared. And, after the negotiated return to democracy in 1990, the party preferred to concentrate its forces on the grassroots, the streets, the unions, rather than being part of Congress.

Until in 2005, the Communist Party (PC) changed its strategy after the death of Gladys Marin, its orthodox matriarch, and the arrival of Guillermo Teillier, a writer and professor who inaugurated an era of dialogue with the center-left and laid the groundwork for the PC's gradual integration into the political system.

“With one foot in the system and the other in the streets, they gradually gained ground, not concerned with seizing power, but with increasing their influence,” says Bellolio. “It's an incremental party.”

Keneth Bunker, also a political scientist, puts it this way: “More than because of a demand from the people for a communist party, they gained ground because they knew how to negotiate and put together lists of candidates, and they developed a political technique for entering power.”

Rolando Alvarez, a historian who studies communism, adds: “Contrary to what was believed—that they were pure orthodoxy, that they were obsolete—they had the capacity to adapt, both ideologically and materially, and that culminated in 2011 with the beginning of the social uprising and the emergence of a new generation of communist activists.”

Communism in Power

That new generation included Camila Vallejo, a young geographer and student leader who became prominent during the protests against neoliberalism, corruption, and inequality. And she was a member of the Communist Party.

In just 10 years, that generation went from classrooms, streets,and activism to power.

The Communist Party (PC) had already been part of the second government of the leftist Michelle Bachelet, between 2014 and 2018, with two ministries.

And with Gabriel Boric's victory in 2021, it came to have three ministries and unprecedented parliamentary representation: 10 deputies and 2 senators.

The PC's gradual rise now faces its most important test with Jara's candidacy, whose success, in part, depends on his ability to distance himself not only from the communist label, but also from Boric's government, which is poorly regarded by most Chileans.

Bunker, an expert in poll analysis, asserts: “Jara has not managed to shake off his affiliation with the PC. It is a very powerful symbol and something that, for many voters, represents a defining characteristic.” that does not cross.”

For a candidacy that, according to some, “was stillborn” in the face of a right-leaning electorate, Jara's pragmatic and modern profile allows the hope of the left to remain alive.

The candidate has nuanced her positions on the Cuban and Chavista revolutions, authoritarian phenomena that the orthodox wing of the party refuses to criticize. She has also spoken of increasing security, engaging in dialogue with businesses, and enforcing immigration. control.

At the same time, his communist profile—coupled with Boric's rejection—is precisely what prevents the former minister from increasing his electoral support beyond the base that usually backs the left.

And that will be his challenge in the second round, in which it is expected that the votes of the three right-wing candidates will concentrate on Kast, and that this will be enough for him to win.

So much so that one of the big unknowns heading into the second round is whether the candidate will suspend his membership in the Communist Party.

Even though things are different in Chile, the communist label is still, for many, a reason not to vote for the left.

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You can also Follow us on YouTube, Instagram, TikTok, X, Facebook, and our WhatsApp channel. And remember that you can receive notifications in our app. Download the latest version and activate them.10 deputies and 2 senators.

The gradual rise of the Communist Party now faces its most important test with Jara's candidacy, whose success, in part, depends on her ability to distance herself not only from the communist label, but also from the Boric government, which is poorly regarded by most Chileans.

Bunker, an expert in poll analysis, asserts:"Jara has not managed to shake off her affiliation with the Communist Party. It is a very powerful symbol and something that for many voters is a line that cannot be crossed."

For a candidacy that, according to some, “was stillborn” in the face of a right-leaning electorate, Jara's pragmatic and modern profile allows the hope of the left to remain alive.

The candidate has nuanced his positions on the Cuban and Chavista revolutions, authoritarian phenomena that the orthodox wing of the party refuses to criticize. She has also spoken of increasing security, engaging in dialogue with businesses, and strengthening immigration control.

At the same time, her communist profile—coupled with Boric's rejection—is precisely what prevents the former minister from increasing her electoral support beyond the base that usually backs the left.

And that will be her challenge in the second round, in which it is expected that the votes of the three right-wing candidates will concentrate on Kast, and that this will be enough for him to win.

So much so that one of the big unknowns heading into the second round is whether the candidate will suspend his membership in the Communist Party.

Even though things are different in Chile, the communist label is still, for many, a reason not to vote for the left.

Click here to read more stories from BBC News Mundo.

Subscribe here to our new newsletter to receive a selection of our best content of the week every Friday.

You can also Follow us on YouTube, Instagram, TikTok, X, Facebook, and our WhatsApp channel. And remember that you can receive notifications in our app. Download the latest version and activate them.10 deputies and 2 senators.

The gradual rise of the Communist Party now faces its most important test with Jara's candidacy, whose success, in part, depends on her ability to distance herself not only from the communist label, but also from the Boric government, which is regarded poorly by most Chileans.

Bunker, an expert in poll analysis, asserts: “Jara has not managed to shake off her affiliation with the Communist Party. It is a very powerful symbol and something that for many voters is a line that cannot be crossed. She has also spoken of increasing security, engaging in dialogue with businesses, and strengthening immigration control.

At the same time,her communist profile—coupled with Boric's rejection—is precisely what prevents the former minister from increasing his electoral support beyond the base that usually backs the left.

And that will be her challenge in the second round, in which it is expected that the votes of the three right-wing candidates will concentrate on Kast, and that this will be enough for him to win.

So much so that one of the big unknowns heading into the second round is whether the candidate will suspend his membership in the Communist Party.

Even though things are different in Chile, the communist label is still, for many, a reason not to vote for the left.

Click here to read more stories from BBC News Mundo.

Subscribe here to our new newsletter to receive a selection of our best content of the week every Friday.

You can also Follow us on YouTube, Instagram, TikTok, X, Facebook, and our WhatsApp channel. And remember that you can receive notifications in our app. Download the latest version and activate them.

The candidate has nuanced his positions on the Cuban and Chavista revolutions, authoritarian phenomena that the orthodox wing of the party refuses to criticize. She has also spoken of increasing security, engaging in dialogue with businesses, and strengthening immigration control.

At the same time, her communist profile—coupled with Boric's rejection—is precisely what prevents the former minister from increasing her electoral support beyond the base that usually backs the left.

And that will be her challenge in the second round, in which it is expected that the votes of the three right-wing candidates will concentrate on Kast, and that this will be enough for him to win.

So much so that one of the big unknowns heading into the second round is whether the candidate will suspend his membership in the Communist Party.

Even though things are different in Chile, the communist label is still, for many, a reason not to vote for the left.

Click here to read more stories from BBC News Mundo.

Subscribe here to our new newsletter to receive a selection of our best content of the week every Friday.

You can also Follow us on YouTube, Instagram, TikTok, X, Facebook, and our WhatsApp channel. And remember that you can receive notifications in our app. Download the latest version and activate them.

The candidate has nuanced his positions on the Cuban and Chavista revolutions, authoritarian phenomena that the orthodox wing of the party refuses to criticize. She has also spoken of increasing security, engaging in dialogue with businesses, and strengthening immigration control.

At the same time,her communist profile—coupled with Boric's rejection—is precisely what prevents the former minister from increasing his electoral support beyond the base that usually backs the left.

And that will be her challenge in the second round, in which it is expected that the votes of the three right-wing candidates will concentrate on Kast, and that this will be enough for him to win.

So much so that one of the big unknowns heading into the second round is whether the candidate will suspend his membership in the Communist Party.

Even though things are different in Chile, the communist label is still, for many, a reason not to vote for the left.